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Remigration: The Neo-Nazi Blueprint Being Executed as U.S. Policy Right Now

Updated: Jun 8

Martin and Gabriela Soto; Photo Credit:Gabriela Soto
Martin and Gabriela Soto; Photo Credit:Gabriela Soto

(edited 5/25/26 - Gabrielle is four months pregnant; it previously said nine months in the intro but correction was not updated until today).

A man named Martin Soto left his home in Kearny, New Jersey on February 1, 2026 to buy diapers. He never came back. He was detained on the street by IÇE agents. Tonight, (5/24/26) Memorial Day weekend 2026, his four-months-pregnant wife stands outside Delaney Hall concentration camp in Newark, watching through a window as her husband bangs his fists against the glass of a transfer van. He is being moved in retaliation for organizing a hunger strike inside a GEO Group facility operating under a $1 billion federal contract, despite a judge’s order for his release. This is what remigration looks like when it leaves the whiteboard and enters a life. For Gabriele and Martin's family: www.gofundme.com/f/migracion-zfvvz For the other families (set up by Gabriele): www.gofundme.com/f/rental-assistance-living


What Is “Remigration”?

The word sounds bureaucratic. Neutral. Administrative. That is precisely the point. “Remigration” refers to the forced or coerced mass removal of people deemed ethnically, racially, or culturally foreign from a country, including citizens and residents who have lived there for generations. It is not deportation of the undocumented. It is the systematic removal of entire populations based on identity. Scholars and human rights organizations call it by its accurate name: ethnic cleansing.


Researchers at the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism document that Identitarian activists deliberately chose the word “remigration” because “deportation” carried memories of Nazi deportations during the Holocaust. A new term gave the old idea a fresh coat of paint and a path into mainstream political discourse.


It is no longer fringe. It is federal policy.


The Man Who Built the Blueprint

The architecture of this policy was designed by Martin Sellner, an Austrian Identitarian who as a young man belonged to a neo-Nazi group called “Stolz und Frei” (Proud and Free) and was mentored by Gottfried Kussel, imprisoned twice for Nazi revivalism. Sellner stuck a swastika poster on a synagogue in Baden bei Wien. He later became the most prominent propagator of the “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory across Europe and the Americas: the white nationalist claim that non-white immigration is a deliberate effort to eliminate white European populations.


For Sellner, the Great Replacement is the diagnosis. Remigration is the cure. His blueprint, laid out in his book Remigration: A Proposal, is a three-phase 30-year ethnic cleansing plan. Phase A ends the asylum system and routes asylum seekers to “remigration cities” in North Africa. Phase B curtails legal immigration, terminates previous naturalizations, and revokes residency permits for those deemed a burden. Phase C targets naturalized citizens deemed “non-assimilated,” those “maintaining loyalty to foreign nations or radical religions,” and creates a demographic institute to track populations by ethnicity, religion, and language.


The Christchurch terrorist who killed 50 Muslim worshippers in New Zealand in 2019 donated approximately $1,700 to Sellner’s movement and titled his manifesto “The Great Replacement” after Identitarian ideology. In November 2023, Sellner presented his remigration plan at a secret meeting near Potsdamwith senior AfD members and neo-Nazis. When German investigative journalists exposed the meeting in early 2024, millions took to the streets in some of the largest protests in postwar German history. Sellner was subsequently banned from entering Germany.


While Europe was banning him, the †rump regime was implementing his ideas.


The Atlantic Crossing: From Neo-Nazi Theory to Federal Policy

In May 2025, Secretary of State Marco Rubio submitted a 136-page State Department reorganization plan to Congress. Buried inside: a new federal entity called the Office of Remigration (REM), described as “the hub for immigration issues and repatriation tracking.” The regime simultaneously redirected $250 million from its Migration and Refugee Assistance budget to fund it, dismantled USAID, and restructured the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration entirely around the new mission.


The Office of Remigration is now operational. As recently as May 11, 2026, the official State Department account declared: “Under President †rump, the State Department will facilitate remigration, not replacement migration.” †rump himself posted on Truth Social: “America was invaded and occupied. I am reversing the Invasion. It’s called Remigration.”


In October 2025, DH$ posted “Remigrate.” on its official social media. When a CNN reporter asked for an explanation, Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin responded: “Is the English language too difficult for you?” In November 2025, DH$ escalated: “The stakes have never been higher, and the goal has never been more clear: Remigration now.” The same account celebrated “negative net migration” of 2.2 million people, invoked “one nation, one culture, one shared heritage,” and declared the “fight for western civilization is just getting started.”


In May 2025, an estimated 300 to 400 far-right activists from across the globeattended the first “Remigration Summit” in northern Italy, organized by Sellner alongside far-right figures from Belgium, Portugal, and Italy. American white nationalists attended. Sellner has credited †rump with “exploding” the term transnationally.


White Supremacists Protected. Anti-Fascists Terrorized. Transgender People Criminalized.

On May 6, 2026, the †rump regime released its 2026 National Counterterrorism Strategy. It names three categories of terrorist threat: narcoterrorists and transnational gangs, legacy Islamist terrorists, and violent left-wing extremists including anarchists and anti-fascists. Transgender people are named as a threat category.


The KKK is not in the document. Neo-Nazis are not in the document. White supremacist organizations do not appear.


This is a deliberate reversal of the prior framework, which classified white supremacists as the domestic violent extremist actors most likely to conduct mass-casualty attacks. Attorney General Pam Bondi, a former GEO Group lobbyist, issued a memo instructing the FBI to compile lists of extremists under the new framework, explicitly including anti-fascism and transgender identity as markers.


The Brennan Center for Justice warns the regime’s executive order designating antifa a domestic terrorist organization could be used to freeze the bank accounts and revoke the tax-exempt status of any organization that opposes this regime.


And DH$ is not merely shielding white supremacists. It is recruiting from them. On May 21, 2026, The Intercept published an investigation revealing that Colorado law enforcement issued an internal bulletin warning that DH$ social media posts recruiting for IÇE contained so many white supremacist themes that they could incite neo-Nazi vigilante violence against people perceived to be immigrants. Colorado officials flagged posts mimicking memes used by violent white supremacists, neo-Nazis, and the Third Reich. The Southern Poverty Law Center stated that DH$ is using white nationalist imagery and language to recruit employees. DH$ called its tactics “bold and effective.”


Less than two days after IÇE agent Jonathan Ross fatally shot Renee Good in Minneapolis, DH$’s Instagram account posted a recruitment message set to a neo-Nazi anthem whose lyrics opened the manifesto of the white supremacist who shot three Black people dead at a Jacksonville, Florida Dollar General in 2023. When Congress demanded answers from Meta about running the ad, DH$ responded: “Not everything you dislike is Nazi propaganda.”


Remigration, the VRA, and the Attack on Black America

Remigration is not only an immigrant issue. It is a Black American issue.


On April 29, 2026, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority gutted Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act in Louisiana v. Callais, eliminating the provision that for decades required states to draw electoral maps giving Black and minority voters a realistic opportunity to elect representatives of their choice. The ruling applies not just to Congress but to state legislatures, county commissions, city councils, and school boards. The Equal Justice Initiative called it a devastating blow to Black political participation. The Campaign Legal Center warns it allows racial discrimination so long as it is disguised as partisanship.

Sellner’s Phase C explicitly targets naturalized citizens and those deemed “non-assimilated,” language that maps directly in the American context onto Black, Latino, Muslim, and Indigenous communities. Federal agents have already detained Black American citizens in IÇE raids. The regime has deployed National Guard troops in majority-Black cities. It granted refugee status to white South Africans while denying it to Black and brown asylum seekers from everywhere else.


The pattern is a coordinated dismantling conducted in layers. Strip Black voters of representation through the courts. Eliminate physical safety through IÇE and militarized policing. Remove the legal tools communities use to fight back. Each layer reinforces the next. This is not coincidence. It is a coordinated dismantling of the mechanisms that allow communities of color to defend themselves from exactly the kind of regime the remigration agenda seeks to build.


Concentration Camps: The Infrastructure Being Built Right Now

The regime has launched what it calls the “IÇE Detention Reengineering Initiative,” a plan to fundamentally reshape immigration detention by converting commercial warehouses into a national network of mass holding facilities, with the goal of reaching 92,600 detention beds by November 30, 2026.


These are not detention centers. Scholars at the University of Arizona and Louisiana State University have stated on the record: “IÇE detention centers meet the criteria for concentration camps. We do so not to be provocative but to provide precise language, rather than euphemisms, so people can heed the warnings of atrocities committed in the past.” The Immigration and Human Rights Law Review concurs: “Concentration camps, by definition, are places where individuals are imprisoned not for criminal acts, but because of their status.” As of February 2026, nearly 75% of all IÇE detainees have never been convicted of a criminal offense.


Some facilities are planned to hold 8,000 detainees at once. The largest federal prison in the U.S. holds roughly 4,000. IÇE paid $70 million for a building the size of seven football fields outside Phoenix. Two warehouses alone cost $172 million.A facility near El Paso is planned for 8,500 beds.


The first facility built under this model, Camp East Montana at Fort Bliss, opened in August 2025 with dozens of violations of detention standards and has already seen three deaths, including the first homicide ever recorded in a modern IÇE detention center.


In Missouri, IÇE toured a 920,000-square-foot warehouse along Botts Road in south Kansas City. The Kansas City City Council passed an ordinance blocking it.Within days, U.S. Rep. Mark Alford voluntarily offered Cass County as an alternative, writing that a “cooperative jurisdiction would allow federal officials to focus on enforcement operations rather than litigation, permitting disputes, or public opposition campaigns.” Senators Hawley and Schmitt offered Fort Leonard Wood. The CoreCivic facility in Leavenworth, Kansas, is already open and as of May 2026 holds 249 people, including 59 women.


IÇE is now the highest-funded law enforcement agency in the nation, with $85 billion in new funding including approximately $45 billion specifically to expand detention over four years. Over 240 active IÇE detention facilities now exist across the U.S. More than 272,000 people were booked into IÇE detention in the first six months of †rump’s second term. At least 60,000 remain held as of April 2026, neither released nor deported.


The Profit Machine: GEO Group and CoreCivic

Every person held in these camps is a revenue source.


GEO Group reported a company-record $254 million in profit in 2025, a 700% increase over 2024, driven by $520 million in new IÇE contracts. GEO Group executive chairman George Zoley called it “the largest amount of new business we have won in a single year in our company’s history.” CoreCivic reported $116.5 million in profit, a 70% increase, and projects up to $157.5 million in 2026. CoreCivic CEO Patrick Swindle said: “ICE was our first customer 43 years ago, and has been our largest customer for over a decade.”


The revolving door is explicit. Acting IÇE Director Todd Lyons has described the detention and deportation process as “Amazon Prime, but with human beings.” IÇE official David Venturella is a former GEO Group executive. Pam Bondi was a GEO Group lobbyist before becoming Attorney General and signing the memo criminalizing anti-fascism.


On March 29, 2026, Senator Elizabeth Warren and Representative Jamie Raskin led 52 Congressional Democrats in sending formal inquiry letters to six detention contractors. The letters stated: “These warehouses were built to hold products, not people. Placing thousands of people in warehouses that were never intended to house human beings will only exacerbate these problems.”


Private prison investors complained on earnings calls that IÇE is not jailing enough people. One investor said: “I think people thought we’d be at that 100,000 level. We’re at a little over 70,000.” The same facilities then charge detainees commissary prices marked up 22 to 58% above retail for the basic food their facilities fail to provide. Nine dollars for an eight-ounce jar of coffee. Single bars of soap for $1.50. Detainees earn $1 a day doing labor inside these facilities. Most rely on families on the outside to fund their commissary accounts, forcing American families to choose between buying groceries and keeping a loved one from starving.


Delaney Hall: A Case Study in Everything

Delaney Hall in Newark, New Jersey is the first new IÇE detention center opened under †rump’s second term. It is operated by GEO Group under a 15-year, $1 billion federal contract, making it the largest IÇE facility on the East Coast. GEO Group opened it without a valid certificate of occupancy. Newark sued. The federal government proceeded anyway.


In June 2025, detainees staged an uprising over food and water shortages. Federal agents responded with riot gear and tear gas. Four detainees escaped by tearing through a sheetrock wall with their bare hands. In December 2025, Jean Wilson Brutus, an asylum seeker from Haiti, died less than 24 hours after arriving at Delaney Hall. In May 2026, nearly 300 detainees smuggled a letter out of the facility describing physical and psychological torture. “We feel vulnerable and, in a way, kidnapped,” they wrote, “detained without justification, not to mention that we are being tortured physically and psychologically.”


When Newark Mayor Ras Baraka attempted an oversight visit in May 2025, he was arrested and charged with trespassing. Charges were later dropped.


On May 22, 2026, approximately 300 detainees launched a hunger and labor strike, demanding their freedom and the closure of the facility. GEO Group retaliated by cutting off phone and tablet access. U.S. Senator Andy Kim and Rep. Rob Menendez visited Saturday night, May 23. Menendez said after speaking to over 100 detainees: “There are no criminals in there.”


Martin and Gabriela Soto: The Human Face of Remigration

BREAKING  |  UPDATED MEMORIAL DAY 2026

Hostages within Delaney Hall in NJ flicker lights on and off, waving arms in their window to show support with protesters outside the facility, as they project "When immigrants are under attack, what do we do? Stand up, fight back" onto the wall outside. Photo courtesy of Status Coup News, May 25, 2026
Hostages within Delaney Hall in NJ flicker lights on and off, waving arms in their window to show support with protesters outside the facility, as they project "When immigrants are under attack, what do we do? Stand up, fight back" onto the wall outside. Photo courtesy of Status Coup News, May 25, 2026

Martin Soto Hernandez is a 30-year-old father of two from Peru. On February 1, 2026, he left his home in Kearny, New Jersey to buy diapers, an errand three to four blocks from his house. IÇE agents detained him on the street. His wife Gabriela, a U.S. citizen, did not know what happened until he called from Delaney Hall at 11:15 that night.


Martin has been held for nearly four months despite a judge’s order for his release. He has lost 30 pounds. He became one of the primary organizers of the hunger and labor strike that began May 22. IÇE’s response was to get him out of the facility by any means necessary.


IÇE agents told Martin he was being released. They lied. When they brought him outside, they threw him into a transfer van. His wife Gabriela, four months pregnant with their third child and mother to their daughter Vero and son Noah, was standing vigil outside when it happened. She watched through the window as her husband banged his fists against the glass and screamed.


“Agents told him he would be freed, but I saw them forcing him into a van. They were shoving him inside while he shouted for help. They retaliated on me by trying to shut me up by attacking my husband.” — Gabriela Soto, four months pregnant, outside Delaney Hall, May 24, 2026


Protesters surrounded the van to block it from leaving. IÇE agents questioned Martin inside the facility about whether the protests outside would stop if he were released, revealing the transfer for exactly what it was: a hostage negotiation in which the regime held a man with a judge’s order for his release as leverage against his pregnant wife and her right to protest.


Protesters held the van for hours. At 1:25 a.m. on Monday, May 25, Memorial Day, IÇE agents moved in with pepper spray and batons, beat and removed 70 protesters, and completed the transfer. Martin Soto Hernandez was taken to the Elizabeth Contract Detention Facility. IÇE then suspended all visitation at Delaney Hall. IÇE is publicly denying that a hunger strike is taking place inside the facility at all.


New Jersey Governor Mikie Sherrill contacted IÇE requesting entry to inspect conditions. She was denied. “I’m deeply disturbed by reports of the poor conditions at Delaney Hall,” she stated. “Unsafe, inhumane, and unconstitutional living conditions are completely unacceptable. I will continue to call for the closure of Delaney Hall.” The governor of New Jersey cannot get inside a private facility operating on public land with public money in her own state.


Senator Andy Kim, who visited Saturday night, reported that detainees described a pregnant woman unable to receive full OB/GYN care, a woman who miscarried inside the facility and was left entirely on her own, and a mother permitted only minutes with her four-month-old baby.


Gabriela Soto is a U.S. citizen. She organized a rally. She stood vigil. She witnessed her husband being lied to and dragged into a van. Her children, Vero and Noah, have not had their father home since February. She is four months pregnant. The regime’s response was to pepper-spray the people standing with her at 1:25 in the morning and move her husband to a different facility to make him harder to reach.

“Gaby should be home reading bedtime stories to her son, Noah, and playing with her daughter, Vero,” said Kathy O’Leary of Pax Christi.


This is remigration. Not a policy paper. Not a think tank proposal. A pregnant woman standing outside a GEO Group concentration camp at 1 a.m. watching federal agents beat the people standing with her so they can take her husband further away. And the governor of the state cannot get inside to see what is happening.


The Food Is Inedible. The Alternative Costs $7.

IÇE’s own standards describe detention as “non-punitive” and mandate nutritious meals, clean conditions, and access to medical care. A 2025 Senate Judiciary Committee report documented a reality directly contradicting those standards: detainees denied medicine, sleep, clean clothes, and sunlight.


At CoreCivic’s Dilley Immigration Processing Center in Texas, detained families report worms and mold in their food and are forced to drink putrid water. At CoreCivic’s Farmville facility in Virginia, detainees found worms in their food in October 2025. When they refused to eat, staff threatened to cut off commissary access entirely as punishment for complaining. Court documents describe children served food contaminated with worms and mold, with limited access to clean drinking water.


At GEO Group’s Golden State Annex in California, inspectors found detainees spending $50 to $100 per week on commissary items just to satisfy their hunger because facility food was inadequate. Commissary prices are marked up 22 to 58% above retail. Detainees earn $1 a day doing labor inside the same facilities that are generating billions in revenue for their corporate operators.


Martin Soto lost 30 pounds in four months. “The food there is horrible,” Gabriela Soto told reporters. “They don’t feed them at all. They get sick, they start throwing up, they have headaches.”


Women: Shackled During Miscarriages

The †rump regime’s own data confirms what advocates have documented: 363 pregnant, postpartum, or nursing women were deported between January 2025 and February 2026. Sixteen miscarriages were recorded in detention. As of February 2026, 86 pregnant women remain in IÇE custody, 9 in their final trimester.


Jenny, visibly pregnant when detained in February 2025, was restrained during transport while suffering vomiting, diarrhea, and vaginal bleeding. Medical staff left her bleeding alone without food, water, or pain medication. After significant blood loss, she was taken to the emergency room with her arms and legs shackled while actively miscarrying. She required a blood transfusion. Alicia, detained at a routine IÇE check-in while pregnant, suffered a miscarriage after being taken to an emergency room where staff performed an invasive uterine test without her consent and injected her with an unknown medication. IÇE returned her to the facility the same night. She was detained two more months while continuing to suffer heavy bleeding, fever, and severe pain.


ACLU Senior Counsel Eunice Cho stated: “The stories that are represented in this letter are just the tip of the iceberg. You have women who are talking about being shackled and restrained while they’re actively miscarrying; you have women begging and pleading for things as basic as” basic care.


Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove has introduced the Pregnant Women in Custody Act in response. It has not passed. Women are still being shackled during miscarriages tonight.


Hostages, Not Detainees

A hostage is held without legal justification as leverage. That is precisely what is happening.


More than one in three people deported from detention in 2025 had no criminal record whatsoever. Just 2% were tagged as suspected gang members in IÇE’s own data. Just 0.4% were tagged as known or suspected terrorists. Among those who did have a conviction, 64% had nothing more serious than a misdemeanor. Arrests of noncriminals have increased 500% compared to the first †rump term.


The American Immigration Council named the purpose plainly: “The goal is not public safety, but to pressure people into giving up their rights and accepting deportation.” Because immigration violations are labeled civil rather than criminal, people in IÇE concentration camps are stripped of constitutional protections. This legal black hole is not an accident. It is the mechanism.


The Deportation Pipeline Is Human Trafficking

When people are seized by force, transferred without consent to countries they have no connection to, handed to foreign governments with documented records of torture and trafficking complicity, with no legal process and no ability to object, that is not immigration enforcement. That is trafficking.


The regime has transferred over 17,500 third-country nationals to at least 21 countries, including nations they are not citizens of. The regime paid the government of Equatorial Guinea $7.5 million in humanitarian refugee aid funds to accept deportees, an amount exceeding all U.S. foreign assistance to that country over the previous eight years combined. The State Department’s own 2025 Trafficking in Persons Report flagged “significant concern” about government officials in Equatorial Guinea having “complicity in trafficking crimes.”


In El Salvador, the regime paid at least $4.7 million to house deportees at CECOT, a mega-prison where Human Rights Watch documented systematic torture, sexual violence, and enforced disappearance. Only 3% of Venezuelans sent there had violent criminal convictions. DH$ records show the regime knew this before sending them.


Kilmar Abrego Garcia had been legally protected from deportation to El Salvador since 2019 by a U.S. immigration court order. IÇE deported him anyway. His wife learned where he was when El Salvador’s president posted a video of him in chains on social media. A federal judge later dismissed the DOJ’s prosecution of him as a blatant “abuse of prosecutorial power.”


UN human rights experts warned: “Other countries that have attempted to outsource their responsibilities have left people stranded in far away places, arbitrarily detained for years on end, and at risk of torture, trafficking, or enforced disappearance.”


Immigrants Built This Nation

The people being warehoused, shackled, transferred, and trafficked by this regime are the same people who built the country that is now persecuting them.


Immigrants laid the transcontinental railroad. Immigrants worked the mines, the mills, the meatpacking plants, and the fields. Immigrants fought under an American flag in wars this country asked them to die in before fully recognizing them as citizens. Immigrants built the neighborhoods, the churches, the mutual aid societies that held communities together when the government did not. Immigrants kept this country running through a pandemic, working essential jobs at essential risk for wages that did not reflect either. Immigrants fill emergency rooms as doctors and nurses. They build the houses. They drive the trucks. They harvest the food that goes on American tables.


Martin Soto left his home to buy diapers. Danilo Chay worked in the Delaney Hall kitchen for four months before refusing to report as an act of resistance. Jean Wilson Brutus arrived at Delaney Hall seeking asylum and died within 24 hours. Alicia went to a routine IÇE check-in and left without her child. Jenny went to a hospital in shackles.


These are not threats to America. They are America. The same America that has always been built on the labor, the sacrifice, and the dreams of people who came from somewhere else and made something here. What is being done to them is not being done in the name of national security. It is being done in the name of remigration. And remigration, as historians, legal scholars, and the people who designed it have made clear, is ethnic cleansing.


Call it what it is.


Scholars Call It What It Is: Concentration Camps

Scholars at the University of Arizona and Louisiana State University state: “IÇE detention centers meet the criteria for concentration camps. We do so not to be provocative but to provide precise language, rather than euphemisms, so people can heed the warnings of atrocities committed in the past.”


Historian Andrea Pitzer, author of One Long Night: A Global History of Concentration Camps, defines concentration camps as the mass detention of civilians without due process, based on their identity rather than something they have done. She has specifically cited the regime’s targeting of Somali and Haitian people as evidence of identity-based targeting. The Intercept put the scale plainly: on any given day, Rikers Island holds approximately 7,000 people. The regime, currently holding a record 70,000, is building a nationwide network of Rikers-sized facilities.


Pitzer has also warned: the longer camps exist, the more they shift from a transient emergency measure to a permanent pillar of state function. The 15-year contracts being signed with GEO Group and CoreCivic. The Office of Remigration being stood up inside the State Department. The warehouses being purchased outright so that state laws cannot touch them. These are not emergency measures. They are the architecture of a permanent apparatus.


Concentration camps are what you build when you intend to stay.


What You Can Do Right Now


Keep Following This Story

Global Project Against Hate and Extremism tracks far-right ideology crossing into mainstream policy. Human Rights First IÇE Flight Monitor tracks deportation flights in real time using public aviation data. Immigration Policy Tracking Projectmaintains a running record of every regime immigration policy change. Refugee Law Initiative Blog at the University of London provides international law analysis. The 19th covers the impact on women and gender-diverse people. Documented NY provides ground-level enforcement reporting in multiple languages. The Jersey Vindicator is leading coverage of Delaney Hall.



Sources


Citizens Against Tyranny Network is a nonpartisan grassroots movement dedicated to defending constitutional rights and democratic accountability. We take no government funding, no corporate money, and no grants. We are powered entirely by people. Learn more at citizensvstyranny.wixsite.com/website.

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